A 2009 Letter From Occupy University Of California

Via We Want Everything, looking back on an Occupy California manifesto from calling for the disruption and occupation of university spaces, using tactics which are now more familiar:

Like the society to which it has played the faithful servant, the university is bankrupt. This bankruptcy is not only financial. It is the index of a more fundamental insolvency, one both political and economic, which has been a long time in the making. No one knows what the university is for anymore. We feel this intuitively. Gone is the old project of creating a cultured and educated citizenry; gone, too, the special advantage the degree-holder once held on the job market. These are now fantasies, spectral residues that cling to the poorly maintained halls.

For those whose adolescence was poisoned by the nationalist hysteria following September 11th, public speech is nothing but a series of lies and public space a place where things might explode (though they never do). Afflicted by the vague desire for something to happen—without ever imagining we could make it happen ourselves—we were rescued by the bland homogeneity of the internet, finding refuge among friends we never see, whose entire existence is a series of exclamations and silly pictures, whose only discourse is the gossip of commodities.

We work and we borrow in order to work and to borrow. And the jobs we work toward are the jobs we already have. Close to three quarters of students work while in school, many full-time; for most, the level of employment we obtain while students is the same that awaits after graduation. Meanwhile, what we acquire isn’t education; it’s debt. We work to make money we have already spent, and our future labor has already been sold on the worst market around.

Even in the golden age of capitalism that followed after World War II and lasted until the late 1960s, the liberal university was already subordinated to capital. At the apex of public funding for higher education, in the 1950s, the university was already being redesigned to produce technocrats with the skill-sets necessary to defeat “communism” and sustain US hegemony. Its role during the Cold War was to legitimate liberal democracy and to reproduce an imaginary society of free and equal citizens—precisely because no one was free and no one was equal.

In the midst of the current crisis, which will be long and protracted, many on the left want to return to the golden age of public education. hey naïvely imagine that the crisis of the present is an opportunity to demand the return of the past. But social programs that depended upon high profit rates and vigorous economic growth are gone. The function of the university has always been to reproduce the working class by training future workers according to the changing needs of capital. The crisis of the university today is the crisis of the reproduction of the working class, the crisis of a period in which capital no longer needs us as workers. The only autonomy we can hope to attain exists beyond capitalism.

We must begin by preventing the university from functioning. We must interrupt the normal flow of bodies and things and bring work and class to a halt. We will blockade, occupy, and take what’s ours. Rather than viewing such disruptions as obstacles to dialogue and mutual understanding, we see them as what we have to say, as how we are to be understood.

The university struggle is one among many, one sector where a new cycle of refusal and insurrection has begun – in workplaces, neighborhoods, and slums. All of our futures are linked, and so our movement will have to join with these others, breeching the walls of the university compounds and spilling into the streets. In recent weeks Bay Area public school teachers, BART employees, and unemployed have threatened demonstrations and strikes. Each of these movements responds to a different facet of capitalism’s reinvigorated attack on the working class in a moment of crisis.

We have seen this kind of upsurge in the recent past, a rebellion that starts in the classrooms and radiates outward to encompass the whole of society. Just two years ago the anti-CPE movement in France, combating a new law that enabled employers to fire young workers without cause, brought huge numbers into the streets. High school and university students, teachers, parents, rank and file union members, and unemployed youth from the banlieues found themselves together on the same side of the barricades.

Our task in the current struggle will be to make clear the contradiction between form and content and to create the conditions for the transcendence of reformist demands and the implementation of a truly communist content. As the unions and student and faculty groups push their various “issues,” we must increase the tension until it is clear that we want something else entirely. We must constantly expose the incoherence of demands for democratization and transparency. What good is it to have the right to see how intolerable things are, or to elect those who will screw us over?

The only success with which we can be content is the abolition of the capitalist mode of production and the certain immiseration and death which it promises for the 21st century. Occupation will be a critical tactic in our struggle, but we must resist the tendency to use it in a reformist way.

The different strategic uses of occupation became clear this past January when students occupied a building at the New School in New York. A group of friends, mostly graduate students, decided to take over the Student Center and claim it as a liberated space for students and the public. Soon others joined in, but many of them preferred to use the action as leverage to win reforms, in particular to oust the school’s president. While the student reformers were focused on leaving the building with a tangible concession from the administration, others shunned demands entirely. They saw the point of occupation as the creation of a momentary opening in capitalist time and space, a rearrangement that sketched the contours of a new society. We side with this anti-reformist position. While we know these free zones will be partial and transitory, the tensions they expose between the real and the possible can push the struggle in a more radical direction.

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  • Ted Heistman

    Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold;
    Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world,
    The blood-dimmed tide is loosed, and everywhere
    The ceremony of innocence is drowned;
    The best lack all conviction, while the worst
    Are full of passionate intensity.

    • Matt Staggs

      Your best work yet!  ;-)

    • Matt Staggs

      Your best work yet!  ;-)

      • Ted Heistman

         I have to admit I plagiarized it. I saw it written on a kids book bag on the bus this morning…

        • Matt Staggs

          ROFL!!!! Love that poem.

        • Matt Staggs

          ROFL!!!! Love that poem.

          • Ted Heistman

             I actually saw it on the UG and it didn’t really fit. But seems like it fit here. Wonder what the hell was going on in 1919 that seems so much like today?

          • Ted Heistman

             I actually saw it on the UG and it didn’t really fit. But seems like it fit here. Wonder what the hell was going on in 1919 that seems so much like today?

          • Ted Heistman

             I actually saw it on the UG and it didn’t really fit. But seems like it fit here. Wonder what the hell was going on in 1919 that seems so much like today?

          • Matt Staggs

            World War I, The great influenza pandemic, etc. etc.

          • Matt Staggs

            World War I, The great influenza pandemic, etc. etc.

          • Ted Heistman

             I’d like to know how they got all the Robber Barons from the Gilded Age to pay so much in taxes. I’m curious about that.

          • Ted Heistman

             I’d like to know how they got all the Robber Barons from the Gilded Age to pay so much in taxes. I’m curious about that.

          • Ted Heistman

            Check out my namesake introducing legislation for a progressive estate tax:

            A heavy progressive tax upon a very large fortune is in no way such a
            tax upon thrift or industry as a like would be on a small fortune. No
            advantage comes either to the country as a whole or to the individuals
            inheriting the money by permitting the transmission in their entirety of
            the enormous fortunes which would be affected by such a tax; and as an
            incident to its function of revenue raising, such a tax would help to
            preserve a measurable equality of opportunity for the people of the
            generations growing to manhood. We have not the slightest sympathy with
            that socialistic idea which would try to put laziness, thriftlessness
            and inefficiency on a par with industry, thrift and efficiency; which
            would strive to break up not merely private property, but what is far
            more important, the home, the chief prop upon which our whole
            civilization stands. Such a theory, if ever adopted, would mean the ruin
            of the entire country–a ruin which would bear heaviest upon the
            weakest, upon those least able to shift for themselves. But proposals
            for legislation such as this herein advocated are directly opposed to
            this class of socialistic theories. Our aim is to recognize what Lincoln
            pointed out: The fact that there are some respects in which men are
            obviously not equal; but also to insist that there should be an equality
            of self-respect and of mutual respect, an equality of rights before the
            law, and at least an approximate equality in the conditions under which
            each man obtains the chance to show the stuff that is in him when
            compared to hisfellows.”

            http://www.taxhistory.org/www/website.nsf/Web/THM1901?OpenDocument

          • http://buzzcoastin.posterous.com BuzzCoastin

            Robber Barons from the Gilded Age
            didn’t pay personal income taxes
            because the personal income tax was unconstitutional till 1913
            when the Robber Barons took control
            of the US government

            their companies might have paid taxes
            but I’m sure that accounting & enforcement
            of the corporate tax laws
            weren’t too different from today

          • 大山

             Frustrated response to Android Meme conditions…….

            Welcome President Dobbs!

        • Matt Staggs

          ROFL!!!! Love that poem.

    • TapMeYouFascists

      There once was a student from Davis.
      She thought civil rights could save us.
      But then she discovered, much to her horror,
      That pepper spray isn’t just for rapists.

    • TapMeYouFascists

      There once was a student from Davis.
      She thought civil rights could save us.
      But then she discovered, much to her horror,
      That pepper spray isn’t just for rapists.

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