The Parts Left Out Of The Patty Hearst Trial (Part 2)

[disinfo ed.’s note: this original essay was first published by disinformation on June 10, 2002. Continues from Part 1]

Before the trial, Bailey’s associate, Albert Johnson, had protested that, “contrary to what Sheriff McDonald says, [Patty Hearst and Sara Jane Moore, attempted assassin of President Gerald Ford] have not exchanged cordialities . . . I don’t want any inferences drawn from any conduct of the two of them simply because they are in the same institution, because there is absolutely no connection between the two cases.”

But there was a missing link–the murder of Wilbert “Popeye” Jackson, leader of the United Prisoners Union. He had been killed, together with a companion, Sally Voye, while they sat in a parked car at 2:00 in the morning. I learned from impeccable sources that the hit was known in advance within the California Department of Corrections, the FBI, the San Jose and San Francisco police departments. But now–in mid-February 1976, while the Patty Hearst trial was in process–a similar charge was made in the company of some unusual accusations when a Berkeley underground group called Tribal Thumb prepared this statement:

 It has become known to the Tribal Thumb orbit that the CIA, FBI and CCS [Criminal Conspiracy Section] have made undercurrent moves to establish a basis for the total eradication of the Tribal Thumb Community . . [They] are involved in working overtime to unravel the mystery of Popeye Jackson’s execution in an effort to plant Tribal Thumb in a web of conspiracy in that execution . . .

The FBI’s heavy involvement in the case of Popeye’s death largely is due to the death of Sally Voye, who in actuality was moonlighting (outside her employment as a teacher) as a narcotics agent for police forces. Moreover, she was Popeye’s control agent. Popeye was an informer on the movement.

Several days ago, Patty Hearst was slipped out of her jail cell by the FBI and Mr. Randolph Hearst and taken to a nearby jail to identify a man being held there (we’re withholding his name for now) who was allegedly closely associated with Tribal Thumb, to make an identification of this man’s alleged trafficking of large quantities of arms to Tribal Thumb and the Symbionese Liberation Army. The result is that Miss Hearst pointed the comrade out as the trafficker of such weapons . . .

Donald DeFreeze escaped from the California prison system with help from the FBI and California prison officials. His mission was to establish an armed revolutionary organization, controlled by the FBI, specifically to either make contact with or undermine the surfacing and development of the August Seventh Guerrilla Movement.

We make note of the fact that the first communique issued by the SLA under the leadership of Donald DeFreeze was in part a duplicate of a communique issued by the ASGM. Further examination of those communiques establishes that the ASGM had surfaced and was in the process of developing some kind of operational format, when the SLA hastily moved, hard pressed for something spectacular to cut off this thrust by the ASGM. The result was the incorrect and unfounded death of (school superintendent) Marcus Foster.

It is evident that the FBI through its sources of information knew of the underground existence of the ASGM and that the movement was obviously making plans to become public knowledge via armed actions against the imperialist state. Having had their attempts to infiltrate agents into the ASGM’s mainstream frustrated, they sought the diverse method of establishing an organization they could control. So they made three approaches: Donald DeFreeze, who was in contact with Nancy Ling Perry, who worked at Rudy’s Fruit Stand, from whom Patty Hearst often bought bagels and fruit juice.

DeFreeze was let loose and given a safe plan to surface as an armed guerrilla unit. That plan was to kidnap Patty Hearst–strategized by the FBI, Randolph Hearst, Patty Hearst and Nancy Ling Perry. The format of that plan of kidnapping Patty Hearst was extracted from a book, published by a publishing company named Nova owned by the Hearst Corporation, entitled Vanished [Tribal Thumb may have meant Black Abductor, by Harrison James, pseudonym for James Rusk, Jr., published by Regency Press, not affiliated with Hearst].

On April 8, after Patty was found guilty, there was a front-page story in the San Francisco Examiner:

Would-be presidential assassin Sara Jane Moore and the Patricia Hearst case are intricately linked in the web of evidence that led to yesterday’s arrest of the accused murderer of militant prison-reform leader Wilbert “Popeye” Jackson, authorities have told the Examiner.

These sources said Ms. Moore, now in custody in a Federal prison in San Diego, will be a star witness in the trial of the accused slayer . . . And it was the arrest last September of Miss Hearst . . . that led to the break in the case, according to the primary investigators in the case . . .

Booked into the San Francisco County Jail yesterday afternoon was Richard Alan London, 26, an ex-convict who has been in the Santa Clara County Jail in San Jose since last summer on an armed-robbery charge . . . London is a member of a revolutionary band called the United Prisoners Union . . .

Federal and local authorities flatly denied a report circulated by Tribal Thumb sources that Miss Hearst, convicted of bank robbery on March 20, was taken to the Santa Clara jail to identify London last week . . .

Last week? Why this change in chronology? The original Tribal Thumb statement alleged that Patty had identified London as a gunrunner for the SLA and Tribal Thumb more than a month-and-a-half previously. The truth is that she secretly began to turn state’s evidence early in her trial. Usually, defendants tell what they know before trial, so the prosecution can decide whether or not to plea-bargain and avoid a trial. But this particular trial had to be held, if only to avoid giving any impression of plea-bargaining. Patty Hearst had been gangbanged behind the tent at the Hearstling Brothers Browning & Bailey Bread and Circus by both teams, prosecution and defense, while they were adversaries in a trial that was more carefully staged than a TV wrestling match.

Judge Oliver Carter had once sentenced Hedy Sarney to two-and-a-half years for bank robbery. She claimed at her sentencing that Tribal Thumb had made her do it. Now F. Lee Bailey reminded the judge that he had commented that her claim of coercion came too late and that she had refused to testify against the people she accused of forcing her to commit the crime, whereas, in the case of Patty Hearst, Bailey said cryptically, “Your Honor has been made aware of some facts which are relevant to him.”


It was considered likely that Popeye Jackson could have been killed by police agents–to neutralize yet another black leader, rather than because he was supposed to be an informer. The United Prisoners Union reasoned that, “if Popeye had been interested in snitching, he would have made all efforts to keep up his contacts with the NWLF (New World Liberation Front) rather than be ‘cold and distant’ or allow for any misunderstanding.”

But was it possible, as Tribal Thumb pointed out, that Patty Hearst had participated in the planning of her own kidnapping while ostensibly buying bagels? An SLA manuscript stated that they had expected more trouble from their intended victim, “since we were planning on carrying her away, but she turned out to be real cooperative. She just lay down on the floor while one of the comrades tied her hands and blindfolded her.”

When Patty was being interviewed in jail by prosecution psychiatrist Harry Kozol, she pulled a Raskolnikov (the character in Dostoyevsky’s Crime and Punishment who cannot repress the force of his own guilt) by darting from the room and complaining that Kozol had accused her of arranging her own kidnapping. Bailey asked him on the witness stand:

“Did you suggest that she got herself kidnapped?” He answered, “No.”

In their first session, Kozol questioned Patty about Willie Wolfe. “I told her,” he testified, “that I’d heard her speak tenderly of him [on the final taped communique] and I asked her this question: ‘Is that the way you felt about him?’ She seemed to get upset and deeply moved. I felt she was almost sobbing inside . . . but no tears ran down her face . . . She said, ‘I don’t know how I feel about him.’ I said, ‘I’m not asking you how you feel. Is that how you felt?’ She became very much upset, began to shake and quiver, obviously suffering. And she answered, ‘I don’t know why I got into this goddamn thing–shit!’ And then got up and left the room, terribly upset.”

Got into what goddamn thing? Patty could have been referring to her agreement to talk with psychiatrists, or to her decision to join the SLA, or to the kidnapping itself. In their second session, when she described the kidnapping scene, Kozol asked if there was anything else. He testified:

There was some delay. She was sort of thinking. She began to look very uncomfortable and I told her, “Never mind.” And she said, “I don’t want to tell you.” And I said, “That’s okay, if it makes you uncomfortable,” and then she blurted out that she was going to tell me anyway. She told me that four days before the kidnapping, while she was sitting in class, she was suddenly struck with a terrible fear that she was going to be kidnapped. This was an overwhelming sensation. It stayed with her. I said, “What’s so surprising about a girl from a well-to-do family worrying about kidnapping?” She brushed it aside and said, “It wasn’t anything of the sort. It was different.” For four solid days, she couldn’t shake the fear. She finally thought in terror of running home to her parents, where she would be safe. She somehow fought that. Then the thing she dreaded occurred.


The family of slain SLA member Willie Wolfe hired Lake Headley–an ex-police intelligence officer who was chief investigator at Wounded Knee–to find out what had really happened. What he discovered, with fellow researchers Donald Freed and Rusty Rhodes, was that the SLA was part of the CIA’s CHAOS program. In that context, they were planning to kill Black Panther leader Huey Newton and succeeded in killing black school superintendent Marcus Foster after he agreed to meet Panther demands for educational reforms.

At Vacaville Prison, DeFreeze was permitted to set up Unisight, a program by which convicts could get laid by visiting females. According to investigator Headley, DeFreeze’s visitors included kidnappers-to-be Nancy Ling Perry and Patricia Soltysik–and Patty Hearst, then 18, not going under her own name but using the ID of Mary Alice Siems, a student at Berkeley.

Headley’s affidavit stated: “That Patricia Campbell Hearst and her parents disagreed bitterly over Patricia’s political and personal relations. That a love affair between a black man and Patricia Hearst did take place prior to her relationship with her fianc Steven Weed. That Mrs. Randolph A. Hearst subjected her daughter to extreme pressure to change her personal and political relationships.”

Patty began living with Weed in Berkeley later that year, in the fall of 1972. DeFreeze was transferred to Soledad in December 1972, where he was given the special privilege of using the trailers ordinarily reserved for married trustees. DeFreeze became a leader of the SLA and, according to Headley, renewed his affair with Patty for a brief time. The affidavit continued: “Discussions were held between Patricia Campbell Hearst and the Symbionese Liberation Army concerning a kidnapping–not her own.”

Whose, then? Her sisters, Anne and Vicki. The idea of kidnapping Patty, too, was brought up–this was a year before it actually took place–but she didn’t think it was such a great notion. But, if true, this would explain Patty’s outburst at the moment of kidnapping: “Oh, no! Not me! Oh, God! Please let me go!”

The investigators presented their findings to the Los Angeles City Council, charging that the intelligence unit of the police department–the Criminal Conspiracy Section–knew of the SLA’s presence but wanted the shootout for test purposes. Headley acquired official film footage of the massacre, showing that the FBI used a pair of German Shepherds to sniff out Patty’s presence so she wouldn’t be inside the safe-house. Steven Weed was told by a cop at the shootout, “Don’t worry, Patty’s not in there.”

On the tape of April 3, 1974, Patty said, “I have been given the name Tania after a comrade who fought alongside Che in Bolivia for the people.” And on the tape of June 6, she said, “I renounced my class privilege when Cin [DeFreeze] and Cujo [Wolfe] gave me the name Tania.” But in a New Times interview, Bill Harris said, “She chose the name Tania herself.” According to Weed, her reading matter had ranged from the Marquis de Sade to Do It by Jerry Rubin. And, according to my Berkeley source, Patty and a former roommate had both read the book Tania, the Unforgettable Guerrilla a year prior to the kidnapping.

Further, I was told, the roommate had been subpoenaed to testify for the prosecution in Patty’s trial, but the subpoena was withdrawn. I wrote about that in the Berkeley Barb. The FBI’s liaison to the US Attorney’s office, Parks Stearns, Jr., denied this vehemently, shouting at me in the press room, “You’re wrong!”

It could’ve been just a coincidence, but after that incident, the head marshal began hassling me for identification, even though I had been coming to the trial every day. One time he asked for my driver’s license. I told him I didn’t drive a car. Another time he asked for my Social Security card. I told him I never carried that around. I would present only my press credentials, which he accepted because there were too many media people around, and he didn’t want the attention that a scene would automatically create.


While Patty’s trial was in progress, Sundaz, a Santa Cruz weekly, reported that Research West–the private right-wing spy organization that maintained files supplied by confessed burglar Jerome Ducote–“was purchased in October of 1969 with funds provided by Catherine Hearst,” and that, “after the Hearst connection became known to employees . . . at least one Examiner reporter was told to drop any further investigation into the Ducote case.”

The Sundaz story stated not only that Catherine Hearst gave or lent most of the $60,000-$70,000 purchase price for the company, but also that prior to that purchase, the foundation supported itself through “contributions” averaging $1000, provided by Pacific Telephone, Pacific Gas & Electric, railroads, steamship lines, banks, and the Examiner. In return, the files were available to those companies, as well as to local police and sheriff departments, the FBI, the CIA, and the IRS. The Examiner paid $1500 a year through 1975 to retain the services of Research West.

In another case, a member of the Santa Clara district attorney’s office testified that FBI agent Charles Bates had “categorically denied” having any of the stolen documents sought by the Santa Clara district attorney for an investigation of FBI-sponsored political burglaries. After being confronted with the testimony of one of his own subordinates, Bates ultimately turned over the documents. Some of the stolen documents, according to Sundaz, ended up with Catherine Hearst’s pet project, Research West.

In 1969, Charles Bates was Special Agent at the Chicago office of the FBI when police killed Black Panthers Fred Hampton and Mark Clark while they were sleeping. Ex-FBI informer Maria Fischer told the Chicago Daily News that the then-chief of the FBI’s Chicago office, Marlon Johnson, personally asked her to slip a drug to Hampton; she had infiltrated the Panther Party at the FBI’s request a month before. The drug was a tasteless, colorless liquid that would put him to sleep. She refused. Hampton was killed a week later. An autopsy showed “a near fatal dose” of secobarbital in his system.

In 1971, Bates was transferred to Washington. According to Watergate burglar James McCord’s book, A Piece of Tape, on June 21, 1972, White House attorney John Dean checked with acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray as to who was in charge of handling the Watergate investigation. The answer: Charles Bates–the same FBI official who in 1974 would be in charge of handling the SLA investigation and the search for Patty Hearst. When Patty was arrested, Bates became instantly ubiquitous on radio and TV, boasting of her capture.

And, in the middle of her trial–on a Saturday afternoon, when reporters and technicians were hoping to be off-duty–the FBI called a press conference. At 5:00 that morning, they had raided the New Dawn collective–supposedly the aboveground support group of the Berkeley underground Emiliano Zapata Unit–and accompanying a press release about the evidence seized were photographs still wet with developing fluid. Charles Bates held the photos up.

“Mr. Bates,” a photographer requested, ” real close to your head, please.”

Bates proceeded to pose with the photos like Henry Fonda doing a camera commercial. Was there a search warrant? No, but they had a “consent to search” signed by the owner of the house, Judy Stevenson, who later admitted to being a paid FBI informant.

Not only did the raid seem timed to break into print simultaneously with the Sunday funnies, but the investigative technique also smacked of comic-strip morality. In Dick Tracy the next day, the “Crimestoppers Textbook” depicted a trio of stereotypical hippie terrorists preparing a time bomb, underscored by the question, “Would you deny police access to knowledge of persons planning your demise?”

Almost six weeks after that Saturday morning raid, I received a letter by registered mail on Department of Justice stationery:

Dear Mr. Krassner:

Subsequent to the search of a residence in connection with the arrest of six members of the Emiliano Zapata Unit, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, San Francisco, has been attempting to contact you to advise you of the following information:

During the above indicated arrest of six individuals of the Emiliano Zapata Unit, an untitled list of names and addresses of individuals was seized. A corroborative source described the above list as an Emiliano Zapata Unit “hit list,” but stated that no action will be taken, since all of those who could carry it out are in custody.

Further, if any of the apprehended individuals should make bail, they would only act upon the “hit list” at the instructions of their leader, who is not and will not be in a position to give such instructions.

The above information is furnished for your personal use and it is requested it be kept confidential. At your discretion, you may desire to contact the local police department responsible for the area of your residence.

Very truly yours,

Charles W. Bates
Special Agent in Charge

But I was more logically a target of the government than of the Emiliano Zapata Unit–unless, of course they happened to be the same. Was the right wing of the FBI warning me about the left wing of the FBI? Did the handwriting on the wall read Co-Intelpro Lives? Questions about the authenticity of the Zapata Unit had been raised by its first public statement in August 1975, which included the unprecedented threat of violence against the left.

When a Safeway supermarket in Oakland was bombed by the Zapata Unit, they claimed to have called radio station KPFA and instructed them to notify police, so they could evacuate the area, but KPFA staffers insisted they never received such a call. Now The Urban Guerrilla, aboveground organ of the underground NWLF, commented:

Without offering any proof, the FBI has claimed that [those arrested] were members of the Emiliano Zapata Unit and mistakenly claimed that the Zapata Unit was part of the New World Liberation Front. These FBI claims and lies have been widely repeated by the media.

As soon as they were arrested, Greg Adornetto, whom we knew as Chepito, was separated from the others and disappeared . . .

A close analysis of all the actions and statements…by Chepito leads [us] to the inescapable conclusion that he is not just a weak informer, he is a Government infiltrator/provocateur. No other conclusion is possible when one considers that he led our comrades to a house he knew was under surveillance . . . carrying along things like explosives and half-completed communiques . . .

He recruited sincere and committed revolutionaries who wanted to participate in being a medium for dialogue with the underground, got a bunch of them in the same room with guns, communiques and explosives, or even got some of them involved in armed actions, and then had…Bates move in with his SWAT team and bust everybody . . .

In addition, a communique from the central command of the NWLF charged that, “the pigs led and organized” the Zapata Unit. “We were reasonably sure that it was a set-up from the beginning and we never sent one communique to New Dawn because of our suspicions.”

After publishing the FBI’s warning letter to me in the Berkeley Barb, I received letters from a couple of members of the Emiliano Zapata Unit in prison. One stated:

I was involved in the aboveground support group of the Zapata Unit. Greg Adornetto led myself and several others to believe we were joining a cell of the Weather Underground, which had a new surge of life when it published Prairie Fire. I knew nothing about a hit list or your being on one, and can’t imagine why you would have been. When we were arrested, FBI agent provocateur Adornetto immediately turned against the rest of us and provided evidence to the Government. We were basically caught with stolen explosives.

Another advised:

You shouldn’t have believed the boys in the black shiny shoes [FBI] about being on a Zapata hit list. They just found some addresses and Bates and his running partner Hearst wanted to build up some sensationalism to take the heat off of Patty’s trial. They had over 75 people (politicians and corporate execs) under protection, thinking all of us didn’t get arrested.

Jacques Rogiers, aboveground courier for the underground New World Liberation Front, told me that the reason I was on the hit list was because I had written that Donald DeFreeze was a police informer.

“But that was true,” I said. “It’s a matter of record. Doesn’t that make any difference?”

It didn’t.

“If the NWLF asked me to kill you,” Rogiers admitted, “I would.”

“Jacques,” I replied, “I think this puts a slight damper on our relationship.”


After Patty Hearst was arrested, she had a jailhouse conversation with her best friend since childhood, Trish Tobin–whose family, incidentally, controlled the Hibernia Bank that Patty had helped rob. Several times throughout the trial, prosecutor James Browning attempted to have the tape of that dialogue played for the jury, but Judge Carter kept refusing–until the end of the trial, when the impact of its giddiness would be especially astonishing.

Trish: “I had a lot of fights at Stanford.”
Patty>: “Oh, yeah? About what?”
Trish: “You.”
Patty: “Oh–what were they saying? I can just imagine –”
Trish: “Oh, well, ‘that fucking little rich bitch’–you know, on and on–and they said, ‘She planned her own kidnapping,’ and I said, ‘Fuck you, you don’t know what the fuck you’re talking about, I don’t even care if she plans her kidnapping and everyone’s in the world, so you know something, I don’t wanna hear shit out of you!” (Laughter)

The gossip was that Patty had arranged her own kidnapping in order to get out of her engagement to Steven Weed in as adventurous a way as possible–“I guess I was having second thoughts,” she admitted, “I wasn’t sure he was somebody I could stay married to”–but that she was then double-crossed and manipulated into becoming an informer.

In any event, Patty’s jailhouse tape appeared to reveal a change in her outlook: “I’m not making any statements until I know that I can get out on bail, and then if I find out that I can’t for sure, then I’ll issue a statement, but I’d just as soon give it myself, in person, and then it’ll be a revolutionary feminist perspective totally. I mean I never got really . . . I guess I’ll just tell you, like, my politics are real different from, uh–way back when (laughter)-obviously! And so this creates all kinds of problems for me in terms of a defense.”

An accurate forecast. So Patty testified that she was influenced to say that because captured SLA member Emily Harris was in the visiting room at the time Patty was talking to Trish Tobin.

Bailey asked, “Was she a party to your conversation?”

“Not by any intention of ours, no.”

On cross-examination, Patty continued: “Emily was also on a phone.” Prisoners and visitors had to converse over telephones while they looked at each other through a thick bulletproof-glass window. Patty said she knew that Emily could hear her talking simply because “I could’ve heard her if I’d stopped and listened.” But jail records showed that Emily was not in the visiting room then.

While psychiatrist Harry Kozol was testifying in court, Patty was writing notes to Albert Johnson on a yellow legal pad. And while I diverted the head marshal’s attention by acting suspiciously during recess, reporter Steve Rubinstein copied those notes, but he wasn’t allowed to include them in his story for the Los Angeles Herald Examiner, a Hearst paper.

In one of the notes, Patty described life in Berkeley with Weed: “I paid the rent, bought the furniture, bought the groceries, cooked all the meals (even while working eight hours a day and carrying a full course load), and if I wasn’t there to cook, Steve didn’t eat.”

In another note, she clearly and concisely described where her mindset really was at in the San Mateo County Jail when she couldn’t blame Emily Harris’ eavesdropping as her motivation: “Dr. Kozol kept trying to equate the women’s movement with violence. I repeatedly told him: 1. Violence has no place in the women’s movement. 2. I didn’t feel it was possible to make lasting changes in our society unless the issue of women’s rights was resolved. Kozol kept trying to say things like, ‘Isn’t it more important to solve the poverty problem?’ Any reform measures taken by the Government will only be temporary.”


Although news items about the trial were clipped out of the daily papers by US marshals, the sequestered jurors were not immune to media influence. During the trial, they all went out to see a few films, which they voted on.

They saw One Flew Over the Cuckoo’s Nest, which, Ken Kesey complained, made Big Nurse the target and omitted the central theme of his book, that people go crazy in this country precisely because they can’t handle the gap between the American Dream and the American Nightmare as orchestrated by the same combination that Patty was forced to experience, where organized crime and organized crime-fighting are merely different sides of the same corporate coin.

The jury also saw Swept Away . . ., reinforcing the theme that one does not transcend one’s class unless one is already heading in that direction before circumstances temporarily shatter all those arbitrary rules that distinguish the classes.

And the jury saw Taxi Driver–once again perpetuating the myth of the lone-nut assassin, played by Robert DeNiro, who, in this case, attempts to kill a political candidate, not because he has been hired by an intelligence agency, but rather because Cybil Shepherd won’t stay and hold his hand at a porno movie.

Bill and Emily Harris let it be known that, if called to testify, they would take the Fifth Amendment, but Emily testified, in effect, through the media. After Patty told the jury that Willie Wolfe had raped her, Emily was quoted in New Times: “Once Willie gave her a stone relic in the shape of a monkey face [and] Patty wore it all the time around her neck. After the shootout, she stopped wearing it and carried it in her purse instead, but she always had it with her.”

Prosecutor James Browning read this in the magazine and he had an Aha! experience, remembering that “rock” in Patty’s purse from the inventory list when she was originally captured. He presented it as his final piece of evidence in the trial, slowly swinging the necklace back and forth in front of the jurors, as if to hypnotize them.


Patty Hearst had once told a nun to go to hell, but during the trial her monkey-face necklace was replaced by a religious symbol. It didn’t help. The jury found her guilty of being a bank robber–that is, a virtual bank robber.

They also found her guilty of fucking when she was fifteen-years-old–or why else would such information have been admissible as evidence during the trial? They don’t allow that kind of testimony in a rape trial, but for a bank robbery it was considered relevant.

Judge Carter sentenced her to 35 years, pending the results of 90 days of psychiatric testing. He announced, “I intend to reduce the sentence. How much I am not now prepared to say.”

If you were Patty, would you have answered “true” or “false” to the following statements:

“My way of doing things is apt to be misunderstood by others.”
“I am always disgusted with the law when a criminal is freed through the arguments of a smart lawyer.”
“I feel that it is certainly best to keep my mouth shut when I’m in trouble.”

Those are samples from the MMPI, a psychological test Patty had to take. In order to have her sentence reduced, she was required to undergo a psychiatric debriefing extended to six months. Kidnapped again. While Patty was still being probed by the shrinks, Judge Carter died, and the joke was that his replacement would sentence Patty to working as a teller at the Hibernia Bank for rehabilitative purposes.

(Eventually she faced seven years in prison, but after serving 23 months, her sentence was commuted by President Jimmy Carter.)

Graffiti remained mute testaments to the whole misadventure. With the same passion that some had previously spray-painted Free Squeaky and Gravity Is the 4th Dimension, others left messages like Jail Rocky and Nixon, Not Tania and SLA LIVES, which was long hidden in the enigmatic made-over COLE SLAW LIVES slogan that baffled tourists and convinced one visiting ex-Berkeleyite that a political activist named Cole Slaw was dead because there were graffiti saying he was alive.

Finally, although James Browning had once informed me that the Black Panthers were “an organization which advocates killing people” and that Groucho Marx’s “utterance did not constitute a ‘true’ threat,” it had since come out that the FBI itself published pamphlets in the name of the Panthers advocating the killing of cops and that an FBI file on Groucho was indeed begun and he actually was labeled a “national security risk.” I called Groucho to tell him the good news.

“I deny everything,” he said, “because I lie about everything.” He paused, then added, “And everything I deny is a lie.”

[The views expressed above are those of the author alone and publication does not imply any endorsement by the publisher. Caveat lector.]

2 Comments on "The Parts Left Out Of The Patty Hearst Trial (Part 2)"

  1. kowalityjesus | Feb 2, 2013 at 2:50 pm |

    Wow, the thought of anything THAT dynamic and simply NUTS happening in the America of today seems pretty far-fetched. This story is definitely part of a Disinfo education.

    She told me that four days before the kidnapping, while she was sitting in class, she was suddenly struck with a terrible fear that she was going to be kidnapped. This was an overwhelming sensation.

    WAT THA FAK !>!>!?!>!??

  2. Your link to “Part 2” at the end of Part 1 is broken, needs fixing.

Comments are closed.